Oral statement（原文、訳文：ひらがな化、一部新字体化）
（原文）
本 省 5月3日 発
第一九一号
Upon my arrival in Tokyo in the afternoon of April 22nd, I was apprised at once of the contents of the project of an Agreement between Japan and America which was cabled by our Ambassador Admiral Nomura a few days prior to my return. I should have taken the matter up immediately, but I could not devide my attention to any question other than reporting on my recent journey to Europe and taking steps to complete the procedures necessary in putting into effect the Pact of Neutrality concluded at Moscow between Japan and the U.S.S.R. After disposing of them, I have been obliged to remain inactive for a few days due to an indisposition. As a matter of fact, I have only been able to resume my works today. The project necessarily claims very careful and thorough consideration and it will take some days yet before I can express my opinion more or less definitely on the various and multitudinous points contained in the project, some of which are of a far-reaching character. I need hardly assure Your Excellency that I shall do my best to reach a speedy decision, as the nature of the project obviously calls for as early a disposition as possible.
Having enjoyed the privilege of an acquaintanceship with the President since he was the Assistant Secretary of the Navy and having also had the pleasure of meeting Your Excellency at Washington some eight years ago, I feel that I would not be considered as making entirely useless and obtrusive remarks if I took the advantage of this opportunity frankly to bring to the knowledge of Your Excellency and, through Your Excellency, of the President, some of the things I observed during my recent trip in Europe. The German and Italian leaders are determined never to have peace by negotiation, they demand capitulation. They seem to regard that the war is as good as won even at the present stage, -with the expulsion of British soldiers from the Balkans, there is not one British soldier left on the European Continent from Norway to the Balkans and the Soviet Russia maintains neutrality, supplying them even with what they need. To support this view, they further point out the vast differences between the conditions prevailed in the European Continent and elsewhere at the end of the first twenty months in the last Great War and those now prevailing in Europe and elsewhere after the lapse of the same twenty months since the commencement of the present war. I may add also, for what it may be worth, that these leaders feel that the American entry into the war will not materially affect the final issue, although they are ready to admit that in that event, the war is likeky to became protracted. Whatever views Your Excellency or the President may hold, it is, I trust, always worthwhile and interesting to know what other parties are thinking.
Of course, I reserve my own opinion on this point, but I must confess that my sole and primary concern is, as Your Excellency must know by my utterances on several occasions, that the American intervention is fraught with a grave danger of prolonging the war to the untold misery and suffering of Humanity, entailing who knows, in its wake, an eventual downfall of modern civilization. In that eventuality, there would be no more question of Democracy or Totaliarianism left on earth. Even at this moment, I shudder at the mere thought of such a dire possibility. The key to prevent or to hasten such a possibility to be translated into probability is largely held in the hands of the President of the United States. This has been my view ever since the outbreak of the European war.
I need hardly add that Japan cannot and will not do anything that might in the least degree adversely affect the position of Germany and Italy to whom Japan is in honour bound as an ally under the Tri-partite Pact. Such a caution on Japan's Part, I trust, will be readily appreciated by Your Excellency.
（訳文）
四月二十二日午後著京と同時に本大臣は之より先数日前に野村在米大使より電報越しありたる日米間了解案の内容の通知に接したり、本大臣は即時本件を考究すへきなりしも当時本大臣は渡欧旅行に関する報告を為し且日蘇間に調印せられたる中立条約の効力を発生せしむるに必要なる諸般の手続を完了すること以外何等の問題に対しても注意を分散せしむるを得さりき、右を処理したる後大臣は痼疾の為数日間引籠りを余儀なくせられ居れり、事実本大臣は漸く今日に至り事務を執り始むるを得たる次第なり、本了解案は極めて慎重且徹底的なる考慮を要すへく本案に包含せらるる各種且多数の項目就中或るものは極めて影響する所大なる性質を帯ひたるものなるを以て右に関し多少とも的確に本大臣の意見を表明し得る迄には猶数日を要すへし、本案の性質上出来得る限り迅速なる処理を要するに鑑み本大臣は速かなる決定に到達すへく全力を尽すへきことを閣下に対し殆と保障するの必要もなき程なり大統領とは海軍次官補時代より面識あり且閣下とは八年程以前華府に於て会見するの光栄を有したる本大臣か此の機会を利用し本大臣最近の渡欧旅行に於て観得せる諸点を率直に閣下に又閣下を通し大統領に御知らせするは全く無益且出過きたる言辞を弄するものに非さるへしと信す、独伊の指導者は会談に依りては和平を議せさる旨決心し降服を要求し居るものにして戦争は現段階に於ては最早既に勝敗の決ありたるものと看做し居るものの如し即ち前記指導者等は「バルカン」よりの英国兵駆逐に依り欧州大陸に於ては諾威より「バルカン」に至る地域に於て今や英国兵は一兵たりとも残存し居らす且蘇連は中立を守ると共に独逸の希望する物資を供給しつつありと称すると共に更に右見解を支持するものとして前大戦開始最初の二十箇月後に於て欧州大陸及其他の地方に存在し居りたる諸事態と今次戦争開始後同様の期日の経過後に於て前記方面に存在し居る諸事態との間に非常なる差異ある旨を指摘せり
又本大臣は独伊の指導者か米国の参戦は戦争の長期化を結果すへしとは認むるも右は何等最後的決定に影響を与ふるものに非らすと信し居る旨を付言するの要ありと存す、閣下並に大統領か如何なる見解を有し居らるるにせよ相手方か如何なることを考慮しつつあるやを知らるることは常に価値あり且興味あることと本大臣は信するものなり尤も本大臣は此の点に関する自己の意見を留保するも、本大臣の唯一且主要なる関心は屢次の言明に依り閣下も既に御承知の通り米国の干渉は戦争を長期化し人類の悲劇に終る結果惹いては近代文明の究極の没落を齎らすの重大なる危険を孕むへしと云ふに在ることを申上けさる可からす右の如き事態ともならは最早民主主義と云ふも将又全体主義と云ふも全て地を払ひて問題とならさるに至るへく斯る恐怖すへき可能性は想起するたに戦慄を覚ゆるものなり、斯る可能性か蓋然性に変化するを阻止するや若くは促進するやの鍵は合衆国大統領の掌中に在ること大にして右見解は実に欧州戦争勃発以来本大臣の胸中に在りたるものなり
本大臣は日本は三国条約に基き其同盟国となり居る独伊の地位を些少なりとも毀損するか如き何事をも為すことを得す又為ささるへきことを付言するは殆と要なきことと思料するものなるか右日本側の戒心は閣下に於て御諒承相成り得るものと信する次第なり
（日本外交文書デジタルコレクション 日米交渉－1941年－ 上巻 二 「日米諒解案」への対応 P39～：PDFファイルP20～）
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